By Ananya Reakheja
In a caste sensitive India, labelling your product as Brahmin is a way to communicate that it boasts of the highest form of purity.’ - Pushpesh Pant.
Food has a crucial role in our daily lives, going beyond its essential function of sustenance encompassing cultural, social, and economic consequences. Individuals' consumption patterns are impacted not only by their personal preferences but also by various other factors such as geographical location, climate, religion, social level, and cultural traditions. Food preferences in India are intricately related to the complicated web of social and economic inequality caused by the caste system and racism. The caste system, which divides Indian society into four primary groups - Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras - with "untouchables" or Dalits falling outside these categories, has different constraints and taboos connected with each of them. Similarly, Brands that apply the term Brahmin in their marketing frequently represent a particular lifestyle or product as unique to the upper-caste elite. This perpetuates the perception that Brahmins are superior to other castes by creating a false narrative that only Brahmins may access particular goods or services. This might result in a social stratification system in which some commodities and services are exclusively available to members of a specific caste, further marginalizing lower caste individuals. This paper will explore deep into this complex link and its far-reaching implications.
Caste is all around us, which is why it is critical to explore its role in any study of Indian food. Examining the eating practices of individuals is the first step towards addressing years of social conditioning and unravelling the union of caste and culture that affects food in India. A Brahmin is said to keep his intrinsic purity only if he remains a pure vegetarian and only consumes food served by individuals of acceptable rank. If a Brahmin ate meat or violated his caste's strict dietary regulations, he would be branded exceedingly polluted and would have to undergo multiple purification ceremonies. On the other hand, the high-ranking warrior castes, also known as the Kshatriyas are supposed to eat non-vegetarian food that is regarded acceptable for their practices of power and physical strength.
The fact that a small portion of society—the Brahmin caste—follows a vegetarian diet while the rest of society prefers meat is not problematic in and of itself. The issue comes, as it always does, when the ruling caste imposes its nutritional choices on the rest of society. Since Brahmin rules and regulations are at the top of the hierarchy, they have taken on a kind of universality in terms of Good and Bad. They have gained moral weight, and the Brahmins use it to judge not only their own actions, but also the actions of other castes. It's worth noting that an alimentary morality based on caste restrictions has possibly been found in the ancient Bhagavad Gita, the famous Hindu religious scripture that Ilaiah describes as a totally Brahmin work, because the lower castes were never allowed to read it. Food restrictions already have a strong moral and social dimension. The man of goodness is supposed to choose tasty, rich, and substantial cuisine (saatvik), whereas the man of passion prefers pungent, sour, salty, very hot, sharp, astringent, and heated foods (rajasik). These latter foods bring discomfort, unhappiness, and illness. The man of darkness enjoys spoiled, insipid, rotten, and stale foods, as well as leftovers and filth (tamasik) This discrimination is not just limited to food. Water offered from an earthen pot can only be consumed by someone from an upper caste, but when served from a brass pot, the same water can be taken by someone lower in the caste structure.
Still prevalent in modern day India, there is a clear distinction of Indian cuisines which are an indication of this highly stratified society, and they are defined as Indian not by taste, spice, or technique, but by adherence to caste-based discriminatory policies. Upper-caste curries are frequently ghee-laden and improved with intricate spice mixes, whereas lower-caste curries are often simpler equivalents that maximize available components. However, by doing so, they impede their advance through the caste system. Caste's influence on food is not restricted to rural areas; it is also visible in metropolitan areas. Restaurants in major cities such as Mumbai and Bangalore clearly distinguish between caste-based food items, personnel, and even customers (Iversen and Raghavendra 2006).
This discrimination, however, was not restricted to food. It was now common knowledge that anything bearing the name brahmin was for the superior caste and so had a higher value than the other products.
Even today, individuals use phrases like Brahmins and Kshatriyas to differentiate their products from those of lesser ranks. The images presented in this page are examples of several marketing strategies that are still used in modern-day India and something I myself have witnessed.
Similarly, in the healthcare and wellness sector the use of terminology like Ayurveda and homoeopathic in the context of healthcare and wellbeing has been linked to caste distinction. Ayurveda is an ancient Indian medical system based on natural cures and herbal treatments that has been practiced for thousands of years. Similarly, herbal medicines for numerous ailments are widely used in India. However, in the context of healthcare and wellness, the use of these terms is frequently linked with caste-based discrimination and prejudice. Ayurvedic practice is tightly linked to Brahminical customs and history, and it has always been the Brahmins who enjoyed access to and authority over Ayurvedic practices. Ayurvedic knowledge has been passed down through generations within the Brahmin society, and it is considered protected knowledge that other castes do not have access to. As a result, Ayurveda is frequently regarded as the realm of the Brahmin community, with other castes being prohibited from or having restricted access to it.
Similarly, the usage of herbal treatments is linked to specific castes. Traditional herbal treatments are used in many rural parts of India to treat a variety of diseases. However, knowledge of these remedies is frequently restricted to particular castes, and individuals from other castes may lack access to it. This has resulted in a scenario in which certain castes are regarded as herbal medicine specialists while others are not. Commercialization of Ayurveda and herbal medicines has also resulted from the use of these phrases in the setting of healthcare and wellness, with corporations marketing goods based on these notions. However, this has frequently been criticized as a form of exploitation of traditional culture and knowledge, with companies marketing products using the names of these concepts without offering proper recognition to the societies and castes that have contributed towards their development.
Taking the case of Patanjali, I believe that the allegations levelled against Patanjali arose from the fact that the brand's creator, Baba Ramdev, is a prominent supporter of India's Hindu nationalist movement. This movement favors Hindu dominance and frequently strives to marginalize other religious and ethnic groups in the country, notably Dalits, the lowest caste in Hindu society.
Baba Ramdev has made statements that have been interpreted as discriminating against Dalits. He once described Dalits as "mentally retarded." In another incident, he proposed that persons who consume beef be hanged. These statements have received widespread criticism, leading to charges that Patanjali supports caste inequality. Patanjali's products have also come under attention for promoting caste inequality. The business, for example, has been accused of using cow urine in some of its products, which is considered as a symbol of Hindu nationalism and the promotion of the caste system. Furthermore, some of the brand's products have been discovered to contain ingredients known to be harmful to Dalits, such as honey, which is frequently produced using child labour and involves the exploitation of Dalit laborers. Furthermore, Patanjali has been accused of casting discrimination in its hiring practices after hiring people from specific castes in its factories and stores. The business has also been accused of encouraging the use of Ayurvedic treatment as a means of promoting Hindu nationalist ideas and the caste system.
In conclusion, brands have been accused of encouraging caste discrimination through the speech and acts of their makers, as well as the products it offers. Their link with the Hindu nationalist movement in India, as well as its usage of products and practices that are perceived to promote the
caste system, has led to claims of caste discrimination. Companies must promote inclusivity and diversity while avoiding practices that promote discrimination based on caste or any other criterion. If one is fortunate enough, food is something people consume on a daily basis, and even if one is not, an inherent bias in food choices limits the life experience of any human being. These biases are not confined to any one component of food, nor are they geographically constrained. They may alter in size and shape, but they continue to convey the horrible story of a three-day battle for survival. In numerous ways, firms that utilise the name Brahmin in their marketing might foster caste discrimination. It can create a social hierarchy in which some items or services are only available to members of the upper-caste elite, exclude lower-caste individuals from specific industries, and have an impact on lower-caste individuals' self-esteem. Brands must be careful of the language they use in their marketing and seek to create a more inclusive society in which everyone, regardless of caste or social class, has access to the same goods and services. Only then will we be able to build a society that is truly egalitarian and just for all.
The author of this article is Ananya Rakheja, a second-year law student at Jindal Global Law School, O.P. Jindal Global University.
This article contains the view of the author and the publisher in no way associates with the views or ideologies of the author. All the moral rights vests with the Author(s).